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ID : 85118
Ajouté le : 2005-07-19 11:36
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Documentation of local crop varieties: evolving a participatory methodology
Préc. Document(s) 16 de 38 Suivant
R. Tiwari and A. Das

Abstract: The objectives of this exercise were to make an inventory along with farmers of their varieties, characteristics, use and disuse patterns, preferences, and so on. Side by side, a truly participatory methodology and tools were also to be devised. At the end of the exercise, the basis for a seed exchange mechanism was to be laid down among farmers whereby they could increase their productivity. The area of study was the Himalayan region because SAHAYOG is concerned about the region and is familiar with it too. The choice of species to be studied was decided along with the farmers, keeping in mind local use. In order to make the process participatory, both men and women were involved in the process. The methodology included group discussions, key informant interviews as well as a joint meeting of various key resource persons of the different villages. The process was quite drawn out as women were not used to articulate what they know, and then the interviewer had to tune into the local nuances of speech and logic. One useful result of the exercise has been that farmers from neighboring villages have had an opportunity to share information at one place and some degree of dialogue has been initiated among them.

Introduction

In a world order dominated by GATT, Intellectual Property Rights, Unique Selling Propositions and Plastic Money, all the stakes belong to the TransNational Corporations (TNC) as they transcend national boundaries to create a global village. In this scenario the worst casualties are the villagers in a country like ours, who do not figure in the marketplace, but whose knowledge and resources are being increasingly appropriated, intellectually protected, and then put to distorted use by the same market. In the field of agriculture, this market aims to replace local crops with standard ones, varietal diversity with uniformity, labor with machines, local consumption with the market, and the kitchen and stove with the microwave oven and processed food. The knowledge of the farmers is superseded by that of the scientist, and their skills in knowing and growing different varieties and crops, by the standardized extension packages and kits.

Fortunately, the situation is not yet as bleak as the 'powers' that be would like it to become. In the remote corners of India, the farmers continue their traditional practices, unaware of the swift changes taking place all around. If no interventions take place at this point in time, these farmers could well be swept into the overwhelming process of change, and priceless treasure troves of crops, varieties, seeds and knowledge lost in the black hole of 'development'.

In such a situation it is imperative to find ways and means to enable farmers to assess their collective knowledge and resource base, establish their rights over it, and find avenues to use it more productively and improve the quality of their own lives. One major hurdle in this process is the fundamental difference in the way 'scientifically trained' people and traditional farmers approach, store and use knowledge. While the scientist is interested in distilling abstract principles for the technocrat to utilize, the farmer, being both scientist and technocrat, uses her/his collective experience of generations for survival. In such a situation it is necessary for us to liberate ourselves from the shackles of a 'scientific' approach', if we wish to assist farmers gain control over their knowledge and resources.

SAHAYOG is a voluntary development organization working in the Uttar Pradesh Himalaya in India with the mission of assisting the process of sustainable participatory rural development. Validating local knowledge has been an area of concern for SAHAYOG, and in the past it has been involved in an exercise to document and validate local knowledge and practices regarding the use of local medicinal herbs.

The possibility of conducting a similar exercise with crops was raised during discussions with Dr. Louise Sperling during her visit to Almora in 1994. The opportunity to do so was made available by IDRC in May 1995.

Objectives of the study

The primary concern in this study was to embark on a process of joint discovery along with the farmers, regarding the diversity of seed varieties within the region, possibilities of strengthening their seeds through mutual exchange and improving productivity. Keeping these concerns in mind the following objectives emerged:

  1. To make an inventory about the different varieties, their characteristics, and usage patterns of a few selected crops, along with the farmers of the area;

  2. To evolve a participatory process, including appropriate tools by which the above is possible;

  3. To start a dialogue between farmers of neighboring villages, with a view to exchanging knowledge and resources for better productivity.

Area of study

The study was conducted in SAHOYOG's project area in the Dhauladevi Block of Almora district of Uttar Pradesh. Five villages were selected for this study keeping in mind the degree of rapport with the village, their agricultural tradition, and their difference in situation (e.g. altitude, slope, aspect, etc.). The area chosen falls broadly in the region classified as the Mid-Himalayan region. Farming in this region is distinct from other regions, and has the following characteristics:

  • Land holdings are small and fragmented;

  • Nearly all crops are rainfed, and there is very little provision for irrigation;

  • There are very few external inputs in the form of chemical fertilizers or high yielding seed varieties;

  • Farmyard manure is the most widely used fertilizer;

  • There is widespread cultivation of traditional crops;

  • Most of the crops are grown only for local consumption;

  • Women perform most of the farming activities: women are farmers; and

  • Many able-bodied males migrate out of the region for work.

This region can be further subdivided in terms of altitude, climate, and farming patterns into three areas: the valleys, the higher reaches and the middle slopes. Table 1 provides an idea of differences among these areas. The area in which the study was conducted falls in the middle slopes category.

Table 1: Farming in the Mid-Himalayan region: intra-regional variations
UPPER MOUNTAIN REACHESAltitude 1600-2500 m. There is considerable snowfall. Agriculture is not very intensive.Main crops: 'phaphar', 'palti', 'napal', 'ooa' (minor millets); rajma, masur, matar (pulses); potato.In the higher reaches with high snowfall, only one crop is taken, or else two crops. Minor millets are used as flour and 'sattu'.
MID-SLOPESAltitude 1000-1600 m. Agriculture is rainfed and intensive.Main crops: wheat, paddy, madua, madira, soybean, onion, garlic, coriander, ginger, amaranth, colocasia.Either two crops are taken in 1 year, or 3 years. Diversity of crops grown is highest in this region.
RIVER VALLEYSAltitude up to 1000 m. Broad river valleys, provision for irrigation exists, soil is fertile and there is periodic flooding.Main crops: paddy, wheat, soybean, onion, garlic, potato, coriander, mustard, amaranth.Two to three crops are taken every year, and there is widespread use of chemical fertilizer and HYVs. Irrigation is common and farmign is market oriented.

Crops that were studied

As farmers' knowledge was the central idea in the study, it was decided to choose crops which are traditional and have been grown for generations. Three important conditions were kept in mind in selecting the crops for the study:

  • The crop should be traditional;
  • It must be one that is locally consumed; and
  • It must be of importance to the villagers and be a major component of their subsistence farming.

The crops that were selected for study were - madua (finger millet), madira (barnyard millet), wheat, rice and bhatt (soybean). In keeping with a participatory approach, farmers were free to discuss other crops too. In the process, a wide variety of crops were mentioned, although we kept our focus primarily on these five. It finally emerged that these five crops were not only important for the villagers but some degree of varietal diversity also existed within them. There were other crops, notably the bean rajma which had a much greater varietal diversity, but the crop was relatively less important. Table 2 gives some information about these five crops.

Table 2: The crops that were studied
Local nameEnglish equivalentGrowing seasonUse
MaduaFinger Millet or Eleusine coracanaKharif
May to September
Used as food. The grains are dehusked and made into flour, and chapati is made from it.
MadiraBarnyard Millet or Echinochloa frumentaceaKharif
April to October
Used as food and cattlefeed. Grains are boiled and used as rice. It is sometimes made into flour, and chapatis are made.
GehuWheatRabi
October to April
Made into flour and chapatis are made. Sometimes made into 'halwa' a sweetmeat during festivals and celebrations.
DhanPaddyKharif
April to September
Used as rice. Also made into flour, and 'puris' are made during festivals.
BhattBlack SoybeanKharif
April to September
Used as a pulse, and also popped like corn, and used as a snack in winters. Also used as cattlefeed.

Conducting the study with the farmers: evolving a methodology

The investigators in this study had no expertise or knowledge in agriculture. One of them is a resident of the region and as such had some experience in helping in various farming activities at home in the past. The somewhat presumptuous decision to carry out such a study was taken on the basis of our interest in the idea and some previous experience in participatory research. Keeping a participatory framework in mind, it was decided at the very outset that:

  • The purpose of the study would not be only to collect information but also find ways of sharing it among the farmers who provided it;
  • While we had decided on five crops, farmers would be free to share information about as many crops as they wished. We, for our part, would validate our choice from farmers, and change our list if necessary;
  • We would explain the purpose and steps of the study in detail and encourage the farmers to redefine it if necessary;
  • We would try to visit farmers in an informal setting, i.e. in their homes or fields and try not to intimidate them with formats or tape recorders; and
  • We would be open to changing the framework that upon which we had first decided.

Initially we had decided upon an approach in which we would first visit key resource persons like old men and progressive farmers for information and seed samples, and then compare the data given by different individuals from different villages in village-wise meetings. As we started our study, we realized that the first interaction in the village needed to be a informal meeting, and only after having explained the purpose of the study in the meeting and having generated some interest in the community, could we proceed to individual interviews. The other thing we realized is that women are the greater repositories of knowledge and information regarding traditional crops and varieties, while men are more interested in improved seeds, new crops and practices. Thus the framework that finally emerged was:

  • An initial village-wise informal meeting in which a large section of the community participated;
  • Follow-up visits to key resource persons identified in these meetings; and
  • A final workshop with the key resource persons from all the villages.

The informal meetings were attended only by those individuals who were familiar with SAHAYOG, and their numbers varied from six in one village to thirty-five in another. These meetings served as a forum for explaining the purpose of the entire study, starting the process of information sharing and seed collection, and identifying the key resource persons. Women tended to be silent in these meetings, and opened up only after they were separated from the men. Men were quicker in their responses, but the women provided more information. Women had difficulty in sharing information during abstract discussions, and became animated and articulate only after seed samples were displayed. It was necessary to display seed samples from other villages to motivate farmers to bring out their own seed samples. Seed samples of rajma varieties proved crucial to demonstrate the concept of varietal differences. A total of 98 farmers from five villages participated in these informal meetings.

After the initial meeting had introduced the exercise, follow-up visits were made to the key resource persons identified during the meetings. These farmers were visited once or twice in their fields or at home. During these visits, we directly observed ongoing farming activities (harvesting and threshing of wheat, sowing of madua and madira, seed selection and storage). Semi-structured interviews were also conducted to generate more information about the crops that we had decided to study. The farmers were also encouraged to rate and rank the various crops and varieties. A total of 24 farmers were interviewed at this stage.

The information gathered was compiled and collated on a variety-wise format. Seeds were collated in a village-wise and crop-wise manner. We were faced with some difficulty in deciding on the appropriate storing and displaying of the seed samples. Our main concerns were:

  • Portability: it had to fit into a small backpack;
  • Accessibility: farmers should be able to hold/feel the seed; and
  • Durability: the packing had to be transparent and tear resistent.

We finally settled upon clear polythene ziploc pouches, and slide holding sheets, but this storage/display system can surely be improved upon.

Once these interviews were over, we held a one-day workshop at a central place with the key informants of the study. Fourteen farmers attended the workshop, a majority of whom were farm women.

The workshop started off with a sharing of the data collected so far in the form of a seed display from all the villages. As they handled the seeds, women became animated in discussing each others' village samples. The specific differences between varieties were defined, and identification was finalized. Some inter-village differences in perception became apparent at this stage. More data on characteristics emerged, and some information on the history of varieties was also elicited.

After this, the participants split up into small groups and described the cropping cycles used for these major food crops. A sort of calendar emerged from this discussion. Following this, there was an attempt to do a ranking exercise for the varieties of seeds. At first, the preference criteria were defined, and it turned out that crop residue (for fodder) and low water requirements were very important. Also, a consistent productivity was expected, failing which a variety could be totally rejected. (Table 3 summarizes the methodological process.)

Table 3: Summary of the tools used and their utility
ActivityTools usedUtility
Informal village meetings- General discussions
- Small group discussions (sex-wise)
- Seed sample display
- Ranking
- Explain the purpose of the study
- Initiate sharing process
- Energize participants
- Collect seed samples
Individual interviews- Semi structured interviews
- Direct observations
- Seed sample display
- Detailed sharing
- Cross-checking information
- Observation of farming practices
Workshop- General discussions
- Small group discussions (with reporters)
- Seed sample display
- Ranking/correlating
- Sharing and discovery between villages
- Validating each others knowledge and experiences
- Understanding differences
- Starting a mutual relationship on the issue

Some issues and concerns

In the course of this exercise a number of issues emerged, many of which we dealt with as best as we could; others remained unresolved.

  • As the study was restricted to individuals within the community who were familiar with SAHAYOG, it is possible that information gathered is incomplete;

  • In meetings with both men and women, men tended to dominate. Women opened up only when they had separate space for themselves;

  • Men were quick with responses, even though some of it proved inconsistent with what the women shared later;

  • Only those men who had lived outside the area were keen farmers, and they were more interested in improved varieties and techniques;

  • Women were not consistent in their preferences and were unable to rank in terms of good, better, best;

  • The investigators were both male and had to enlist the support of female workers to establish rapport with the women. Familiarity with the language, customs and farming practices was useful in generating information;

  • Farmers, especially the women, were unable to discuss information in abstract terms, and it was essential to use seed displays to generate interest and active participation;

  • Considerable patience was required to elicit 'coherent' information from the women. They were responding according to their logic, which was difficult for the investigators to comprehend. They, in turn, must have experienced similar difficulty in understanding the 'logical' queries. Each party was restricted by their own operational logic and world view.

  • The study was completed in a period of slightly less than one month, and this time was inadequate. Even though we interacted with each key resource person three to four times, getting information was a slow process. Visiting them further could result in 'interview fatigue'.

Results

Tables 4 through 10 provide some information about the different varieties, that we found, their characteristics and the sex-wise division of labor. It clearly emerges that women are the farmers and, except for plowing, perform all farming activities. The interest of men is limited and only those who are exposed to other ideas and practices are keen on farming. As far as varieties are concerned, only two or three varieties of crops were found in each village. There were some differences in the varieties from village to village.

One of the important considerations in this study was to identify the changes occurring in the varieties grown, crops, their uses, and also to determine how seed exchange takes place. What emerged was as follows.

Table 4: Sex-wise division of labor in different farming activities
ActivityMenWomen
V-1V-2V-3V-4V-5V-1V-2V-3V-4V-5
Plowing×××××     
Levelling     ×××××
Sowing××××××××××
Hoeing and Weeding     ×××××
Harvesting     ×××××
Threshing× × ××××××
Collecting Seed     ×××××
Processing and Storing     ×××××
Seed Selection× ××××××××
Head-loading FYM/harvesting× ×       

Table 5: Village-wise distribution of varieties of the different crops
CropsVillages
ChaumaKitoraKaduriBahtanKhali
Wheat- Lal Noyi
- Safed Noyi
- Lal Noyi
- Safed Noyi
- Lal Noyi
- Safed Noyi
- Jhuswao
- Safed Noyi
- Dawatkhani
- Lal Noyi
- Safed Noyi
- Dawatkhani
Madua or Finger millet- Garau
- Putki
- Dwiti
- Garau
- Putki
- Ganolli (extinct)
- Garau
- Putki
- Nangchuni
- Garau
- Putki
- Nangchuni
- Garau
- Putki
Madira or Barnyard millet- Lal madir
- Safed madir
- Lal madir
- Safed madir
- Lal madir
- Safed madir
- Lal madir
- Safed madir
- Safed madir
Bhatt or Black Soybean- Lagili
- Improved soy
- Lagili
- Improved soy
- Lagili
- Thumri
- Bhangrail
- Improved soy
- Lagili
- Thumri
- Bhangrail
- Improved soy
- Lagili
- Thumri
- Bhangrail
- Improved soy
Paddy- Bandpas
- Chhirku
- Chhirku
- Baku
- Banpas
- Bhattu
--

Table 6: Variety-wise differences: 'Madua'
GARAUPUTKIDWITINANGCHUNI
PLANTStem is greenish white; tall and weak, can bend and break in the windSmaller that garau, stronger has a sweet tasteSmall plantAverage height, prominent nodes on stem, tips can be broken off with fingers
SEEDDeep, brownish black seeds, roundSameSameLarger seeds
EARLike the spread out fingers of the human handLike the closed in fingers of the human handMidwayLike the closed in fingers
SOILCan grow in soilSameSameSame
WATERIrregular rainsSameRegular rainsRegular rains
LABORSimilarSimilarSimilarSimilar
DISEASESPlant dries up
PRODUCEHighBetterLessAverage
TASTEGoodBetterVery goodGood
NUTRITIONHighHighHighHigh

Table 7: Variety-wise differences: 'Madira'
SAFED MADIRLAL MADIR
PLANTA tall plant, can even grow up to 6 feetSmaller plant than Safed Madir
SEEDVery small, greenish-brownVery small, greenish-brown with a faint reddish tinge
EARLarge, opened out, pale greenish-whiteLarge, opened out with reddish tinge
SOILCan grow in less fertile soilSame
WATERRainfedRainfed
LABORSimilarSimilar
DISEASESCrubs and parrots 'kurmula'Same
PRODUCELowerHigher
TASTEGoodGood
NUTRITIONHighGood

Table 8: Variety-wise differences: Wheat
LAL NOYISAFED NOYIDAWATKHANIJHUSWAO
PLANTShorter stem; reddish tingeLonger stem, yellowish whiteWhite or yellowish stem-
SEEDBrownish redBrownish whiteReddish brownLarger whitish
SOILPoor soilPoorer soilAverage soilGood soil
WATERRainfedRainfedNeeds moreNeeds irrigation
FYMLessLess15 baskets/naliMore
LABORIn levelling fieldLessMore than Lal and Safed NoyiMost
DISEASESPlant turns blackSeeds turn black and sootyPlant dries upVery susceptible
YIELDGoodAs good as Lal Noyi with good rainsVery goodVery good
TASTEGoodGoodGoodUnsatisfactory
NUTRITIONHighHighHighPoor

Table 9: Variety-wise differences: Paddy
BANDRASCHHIRKUBAKUBHATTU
PLANTAverage sizeAverage sizeShort, whiteTall
SEEDSlightly reddishYellowish whiteReddish brownReddish black
SOILAverage soilLess fertileFertileLess fertile
WATERRainfedRainfedNeeds more waterRainfed
FYMGood quantitySameSameSame
LABORLessLessMoreMore
DISEASESSeed dries upSeeds turn blackPlant dries upSeed dries up
YIELDGoodGoodGoodGood
TASTEGoodGoodGoodGood
NUTRITIONHighHighHighAverage

Table 10: Variety-wise differences: 'Bhatt'
LAGILITHUMRIBHANGRAIL
PLANTCreeper, samll broad leavesSmall plant, leaves bigger than LagiliSmall plant
SEEDSmall, flat, deep blue blackSmall round, deep blue blackFlat and oval, brown and larger
FRUITSmaller than a fingerLargerSimilar to Thumri
SOILLess fertile soilAverage soilAverage or less fertile soil
WATERRain is enoughSameSame
FYMAverageLessLess
YIELDAverageHighAverage
TASTEBestAverageAverage
NUTRITIONHighestGoodGood

Crops

A cereal called china used to be grown and consumed, but people have stopped growing it for the past thirty years or so. The area devoted to madua, madira and a cereal called ozo has decreased as well as that of bhatt. There has been a consequent increase in the area under garlic, onion, ginger, potato and improved soybean.

Varieties

As far as wheat is concerned, the area under Lal Noyi is going down in all villages, because of reducing yields, and as a consequence Safed Noyi is becoming more prevalent. Dewatkhani used to be found in all villages but, at present, is restricted to two villages. In Khali village, it made a comeback two years ago because Lal Noyi production had declined drastically. Jhuswao, a variety promoted by the government only established itself in one village, even though it gives a better yield. Farmers say that it needs more water and it has an undesirable taste. One person in Khali village tried growing the wheat available through the government Public Distribution System (PDS) and, while he got a good yield the first year, the subsequent year was disastrous.

Two varieties of madua, Timasi and Ganoli, seem also to have disappeared-- more than thirty years ago. Local bhatt is being displaced by improved soybean, as the latter is a cash crop.

Usage

Use of madira and ozo for human consumption is decreasing, and, while the area under these crops has decreased, the proportion used as cattle feed has increased. Improved soybean is grown as a cash crop and there is little local use (versus the case of bhatt). Wheat and rice are replacing local cereals as the major staple, as they are easily available through the PDS. It is now considered a matter of status to consume rice and wheat only, and some families denied consuming madira and ozo, and said that they grew them only for animals.

Seed selection and storage

No special seed specialists could be identified, except for one man in Khali village who multiplied Dawatkhani wheat seed and distributed it to the entire village one year ago. Selection of seeds is done either during winnowing (the seeds that fall directly under the winnowing tray are kept for seed), or a field with a good crop is set aside for seed purposes. Each farmer grows his/her own seed and exchanges it every few years.

Seed storage techniques are undergoing changes. Traditionally, seeds were stored in hollowed gourd shells, tumari, when the quantity to be stored is small, in wooden boxes, bhakar, or covered bamboo baskets plastered with dung, when the quantity is large. Seeds were mixed with oak ash to discourage insects. Tin canisters are now replacing the earlier storage vessels and seeds are being increasingly mixed with 'DDT' or some other insecticide powder.

Seed exchange

Informal seed exchange systems exist within the village, the most common being between the farmers of the same village. Women also get seeds from their homes at marriage or afterwards. Further, seeds are brought in from neighboring villages where there are relatives. Only one instance was found where seed had been brought from the house of an old comrade in arms (in the police force). By and large, seed exchange appeared to take place within the same caste group.

Government systems for seed distribution appeared non-existent at the village level. Interested male farmers visited the block office to get new seeds for wheat and soybean. A few women admitted to consuming seeds provided by the government as seed 'mini-kits'.

Conclusions

As mentioned earlier, this study was conducted by investigators with no background in agriculture. While this helped because we didn't have many preconceived notions, there is a great possibility of inaccurate information having been recorded. No secondary sources were consulted in the course of this study, and that remains an important shortcoming. There was very little attempt made to analyze the data, other than with respondents, and thus the report may appear naive to the expert. But then, in any participatory exercise, the fruits of the research must benefit those who generate (and analyze) the information. This study not only allowed us to gain some insight into the farming systems of the area, but also enabled the farmers to get an opportunity to share their information with farmers of other villages and castes.

We will consider our efforts successful if they can initiate further dialogue among farmers of the different villages (and different castes) on seed variety and seed exchange, and if, in the long run, they can assist rural people to gain control over their rich indigenous knowledge base and their diverse resources.

Footnotes:

1 SAHAYOG, Almora. (See 'participant list' for full address of co-author.) (BACK)







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